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"Europe needs to become dangerous in order to stay free," said Emmanuel Macron at a military base, announcing an increase in France's nuclear warheads and the deployment of nuclear-capable aircraft across the continent. At the same time, German Chancellor Merz is committing to over 100 billion dollars a year on defence, removing post-war restrictions. The question of a "European NATO" is no longer a utopia - it has become a strategic necessity.
The idea of European defence had lived for decades as a theoretical debate. What turned it into practice was the Greenland crisis at the start of 2026, when the US threatened military action against Danish territory. That was the moment European leaders realised: the American security umbrella can be lifted - and lifted against European allies themselves.
The institutional tool exists - ReArm Europe, a strategic programme launched in March 2025, mobilises 800 billion euros for defence spending by 2030 through fiscal flexibility and the SAFE instrument (150 billion euros in loans). These are not small numbers - they are resources that can realistically build a parallel defence architecture.
Tensions remain inside the alliance. NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte warned: "Europe cannot defend itself without the US." Ursula von der Leyen shot back that joint defence is no longer optional, it is an EU obligation. This is the row between old security (dependence on Washington) and new autonomy (European self-reliance). Neither side wants to openly disown the other.
The reality of the timeline: analysts estimate a real "European NATO" is still 15-20 years away. Conventional defence can reach partial autonomy sooner - perhaps in five to seven years. But nuclear deterrence and strategic intelligence stay American territory. And every European crisis until then will be a test of how much Brussels can actually do without Washington.
For the Balkans this is not abstract. Half of our states are inside NATO - Macedonia, Croatia, Albania, Montenegro, Bulgaria. We are all in the same security body that is now being rewired. When Macron talks about French nuclear aircraft "across the continent," does that include the airspace above Skopje? When Brussels invests 800 billion, how much of it sketches in the Balkan perimeter? Questions our politicians still don't have answers to - but should already be asking.
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