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Five months after losing power after 16 years, Viktor Orbán is at the centre of a scandal again - this time from the opposition benches. On 18 October Hungarian Prime Minister Péter Magyar posted a video from a rally of Orbán's supporters in Lakitelek and accused his predecessor of laughingly talking about armed rebellion and the violent overthrow of the constitutional order.
What did Orbán actually say? Answering a question about the "national resistance" he had earlier announced against the new government, he said the country was not yet ready for such resistance, but that his side was ready and could hand out "suitable tools". He then added that some would get a blunt object and some something sharper - and that this was not the point.
Magyar did not wait a single day. He cited Article 254 of the Hungarian Criminal Code: an act aimed at violently changing the constitutional order carries five to 20 years in prison or life imprisonment, and merely preparing such an act carries one to five years. "This is one of the most serious crimes against the state," the prime minister wrote.
But facts matter, so let us state them in full: the available reports do not show that charges have been filed against Orbán, or that any court has established a crime. For now, this is a political accusation and a public warning of possible legal consequences. When a sitting prime minister reads the Criminal Code to his predecessor in front of the cameras, the question remains - are we watching justice, or revenge in new clothes?
Orbán, for his part, does not look frightened. At the same rally he attacked the new government for tearing down the achievements of Fidesz's 16 years in power and promised that the party would be reorganised by the end of December and become a competitive force again. He recently declared the end of the political truce and called on supporters to mount a "national resistance".
For Macedonia, Orbán is not just a Hungarian story. He is the politician in whose country Nikola Gruevski was granted asylum in 2018 after fleeing a prison sentence. He is also the leader who for years was considered one of Aleksandar Vučić's closest allies in the European Union. Now he is in opposition himself, talking about "resistance" and "tools", while his opponent reads him the articles of the law.
The Balkans know this scene by heart: the defeated leader will not accept the loss, and the new government pulls out the rulebook. Whether this turns into a real court case or just another round of political shouting will be shown by the institutions in Budapest - not by social media.
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