The twenty-first sanctions package against Russia was adopted on 23 July, after weeks of negotiations. But the story is not in what got through - it is in what had to be taken out for it to get through.

This time the resistance was not led by Hungary and Slovakia, the countries labelled „pro-Russian“ for years. It was led by Germany, France, Italy, Austria, Greece and Portugal. Six of the largest and most influential member states demanded exemptions or the complete removal of measures that would have hit their companies.

The list of concessions

Greece was prepared to block the entire package over a proposed ban on transporting Russian liquefied natural gas to buyers outside the Union. Athens sought protection for the shipping company „Dynagas“, whose tankers take part in that transport. Brussels gave way: an exemption was introduced allowing transit to continue for previously concluded contracts, provided the volumes do not exceed 2025 levels.

Germany and Portugal blocked the import ban on certain types of Russian fish. Berlin was protecting the processing industry that depends on Russian Alaska pollock; Lisbon was defending cod imports, key to the Portuguese food industry.

France and Italy opposed stricter visa restrictions on former members of the Russian forces. Paris and Rome cited legal and administrative grounds, while the northern and Baltic member states judged that the two countries were actually protecting revenue from Russian tourists.

Austria threatened a veto unless the unfreezing of Russian assets was considered, to compensate Raiffeisen Bank for a loss of around 2.1 billion euros. It was agreed Vienna's demand would be considered later, outside the package.

Bulgaria secured the removal of Russian Patriarch Kirill from the list of individuals earmarked for sanctions.

Everybody kept their own

Look at the list as a whole. Greece - shipping. Germany and Portugal - fish processing. France and Italy - the visa regime and tourists. Austria - the bank. Bulgaria - the patriarch. Five different national interests, five different exemptions, one package that in the end covered Russia's energy and financial sectors, trade, crypto platforms, 41 vessels from the so-called shadow fleet and 218 individuals and companies - but without the most contested measures.

This matters for one reason. For years the Balkans have been told the Union operates on principle, and that only those who disagree are the problem. This package showed the principle holds right up until it hits somebody's fish factory.

What comes next

According to the Financial Times, European officials are already considering abandoning the practice of adopting large sanctions packages. Individually expanding the blacklists is mentioned as a possible replacement, since such decisions cause fewer clashes between member states. One European diplomat assessed that the 21st package could be the last big package in its current form.

If that happens, it will not be a technical change. It will mean the Union has given up the tool it advertised most loudly as proof of its unity, because it can no longer assemble enough agreement to use it.

And here is the question rarely asked out loud in Skopje: the countries that spend years explaining to the Balkans what principled foreign policy looks like have just shown their own threshold. That threshold is called a shipping company, a bank and one cod factory.