Sixteen Arrests in Twenty-Four Hours, All for Drugs: The Police Are Working - But Where Are All These People Coming From?
20.09.2026
Fifteen extinguished, two contained, three still active in the morning bulletin - and a fire that spread from the Makedonski Brod-Sopishte stretch toward the Jasen nature reserve. The list of municipalities where crews intervened is close to the whole country: Skopje, Bitola, Debar, Shtip, Karbinci, Vinica, Berovo, Kumanovo, Rankovce, Tetovo. And what is burning is no act of nature. In the Resen area it is piled waste, in a Kumanovo village waste and low vegetation, in Novo Selo a landfill, in the Strumica area crop stubble. All of it under human control. Every summer we get a figure for how many fires were put out - a number that sounds like success. Nobody publishes how many started at an unmaintained municipal dump, or how many municipalities got anything more than a reprimand for it.
In Obrshani and Debreshte the crop is rotting unsold, and the purchase price is seventeen denars a kilo. SDSM wants an intervention purchase at thirty plus compensation for the destroyed harvest. The government replied that more than 54 million kilos of grapes had already been taken up - a figure about grapes, not peppers. Both sides are telling the truth about different crops, and in that mismatch nobody answers the actual question: how many tonnes of pepper have been bought so far, and at what price. The intervention purchase was not invented by one party and has been used by several governments. But if it repeats every season for every crop, it stops being a solution and becomes an annual expense.
For eight months, video of commercial hunting inside the national park was publicly available and drew no reaction at all, until an environmental organisation put it up at a press conference. The park management says it was a sanitary cull within the regular wildlife programme. That explanation may well be formally accurate, but it does not cover the second half of what is on screen - commercial agencies selling such tours inside a protected zone. Anima Mundi put the real sentence best: the question is not only what we see in the footage, but who allowed it and who was supposed to be checking. From the Agriculture Ministry and the State Forestry and Hunting Inspectorate there is no published figure for how many foreigners got a licence this year, which hunting grounds went to concessionaires, or whether any field checks happen at all.
The State Statistical Office figures for 2024 show something rarely said this plainly: 3,280 foreign-controlled enterprises, or 4.7 percent of the business sector, employ close to one in four workers and create 37 percent of gross value added. The clearest measure is not the percentage but the average - a foreign subsidiary employs around 32 people, a domestic enterprise around five. That is not a difference in how hard anyone works; it is a difference in capital and in the ability to survive a stretch without profit. European entities control 92.8 percent of those subsidiaries. The real question is not whether there should be foreign capital - there is, it sits in manufacturing, and it creates jobs. The question is why the domestic enterprise stays stuck at five employees.
Skopje is preparing routes, chargers and stronger power supply at the Avtokomanda depot for 100 electric buses from a state procurement worth 3.12 billion denars. Delivery is split into three batches over eighteen months, while the mayor says the first buses arrive in about a month - both can be true, but the gap between them is the gap between two mandates. The number that explains the whole story is a different one: public transport passengers fell from 52 million a year in 2015 to roughly 22 million. A new bus does not bring a passenger back. The passenger comes back when he knows the bus will arrive on time and get him there faster than his car would - and that depends on timetables and dedicated lanes, not on the age of the fleet.
The same pattern runs through three municipalities today. Novaci announced 77.5 million denars invested in its industrial zone, with up to 120 million promised - yet there are two construction sites and not a single operating plant, and how many people got work appears in no version of the statement. Bitola is building a sports hall for 48.3 million denars that is already behind schedule, because the heating and ventilation section had to be redone mid-build - the same mistake will repeat twice more unless it is fixed in the standard design. In Butel there is a promise of a 50,000-square-metre park on an old landfill, of which 8,000 are finished. The other 42,000 are still a promise.
A doctor is announcing a hunger strike after a third rejected job posting, with the notice arriving by email - no legal guidance, no reasoning. He says he was rejected over his age, but the problem he describes is wider than his own case: a procedure in which you cannot see what you lost on. The same holds for Pink October in Drachevo, where early detection depends on the individual and screening depends on the state - and where the numbers never published alongside the pink ribbon are how many women got a screening call and how long the wait for therapy runs.
The American DFC is putting up five million dollars for antimony near Kriva Palanka, but that money is for feasibility and resource analysis, not for opening a mine. Mickoski claims the reserves are larger than those of the world's top two, without naming a single tonne. The same day the prime minister asked for an EU representative at the table with Bulgaria, so the dispute stops being bilateral. Not a bad idea, but it does not change the order - constitutional amendments first, support after.
Prilep marked 84 years since the Dabnica massacre, where eighteen people from Prilep were killed in 1942. Mayor Dejan Prodanoski himself warned that memorial sites must not be allowed to turn into dumps - which is, said out loud, an admission that the care is currently missing. That is also the most honest statement of the day. Everywhere else the figure for what was invested is published, while the figure for accountability stays in somebody's drawer: how many municipalities answered for the burning landfills, how many tonnes of pepper were bought, who signed the hunting concession, how many people work in the industrial zone. Not one of those numbers is a state secret. Until they are published, every explanation that this is all a regular programme stays unverifiable.
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